| Authored by Rhodora G. Magan | Published on March 24, 2025 |

The Filipino hero José Rizal, celebrated for his subversive novels Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, incorporates culinary insights into the former—insights that are seldom, if ever, explored. This oversight is due to the novels’ pedantic classification as sociopolitical critiques of Spanish colonial rule spanning over three centuries. Within Noli Me Tangere is a detail on Filipino gastronomic memory—betel nut chewing. This deliberate inclusion underscores the Philippines’ centripetal role in a tradition entrenched in South and Southeast Asian concentric cultures. In the novel, Rizal depicts a scene where Kapitan Tiago’s cousin greets guests at his Binondo residence with a tray of cigarettes, cigars, and betel (buyo). Beyond Rizal’s works, betel chewing also features prominently in other Filipino literary traditions, especially in folk tales, poetry, and regional narratives.

At present, we continue to grapple with the significance of this cultural habit, often associated with the reddening of the mouth, among other things. This could easily lead one to adopt a tongue-in-cheek perspective in exploring its dimensionalities. However, this is more an appeal to mechanize gastromythology—coined, introduced, and defined by Arup K. Chatterjee—that examines how food practices, such as betel nut chewing, are deeply embedded in cultural narratives and reflect a society’s traditions, myths, and communal bonds (2024)—most clearly manifested in the country’s aquapelagic nature. The Philippines, as an aquapelago (Philip Hayward’s concept, which sees islandic spaces as land-water assemblages)—characterized by its distinctive aquatic inside-outside projections, stories, and livelihoods — consists of distinct groups of people who uniquely and stealthily harness its cultural heritage within an agentive space that births desired identities (Magan, 2025). A reductive approach, ergo, cannot be used to view the nation merely as an archipelago (defined only by a cartographic element and a physicalized geographical ambit). As a victim of multiple colonialisms, the Philippines cannot be considered a beleaguered subject, because at its core lies its aquapelagic metaplasticity—a dynamic quality that flexes socio-cultural physiognomy through its deep connection to maritimity, coloniality, and decoloniality, as Hayward strengthens the perception of these “aquatic spaces between and around areas of land” that affect people’s “livelihoods” and “belonging” (2012:2). In Noli Me Tangere and other literary works, the representation of betel nut chewing is seen as more than just a regurgitated ceremony of an aggregate of people; it is an ongoing identitarian drive rooted in a collective epistemology within a globally consumerist topology.

‘Origin’ Stories

Derived from the areca palm (Areca catechu), the betel nut—though the term is inaccurate because it confuses the areca nut with the betel leaf, a misunderstanding likely originating during colonial times—has long been central to various cultural practices, with its origins tracing back to the Neolithic period. However, its exact origin remains contested. One argument points to Malaysia and Indonesia as the possible regions of origin, based on the earliest mentions of the word. Archaeological findings from the Duyong Cave in the Philippines, dated to around 3,000 B.C., suggest that betel nut consumption has been a staple in the region’s daily life, likely spreading through the Austronesian migration. Additional remains discovered at Spirit Cave in Thailand date back to 10,000 B.C., further complicating the matter. Despite this, significant evidence—reiterated by Dawn Rooney—supports an earlier Indian origin, as betel is mentioned in an Indian text from 504 B.C., where it is listed among the eight pleasures of life, alongside unguents, incense, women, garments, music, beds, food, and flowers (1993). Some songs from Eastern India refer to the Himalayas as the birthplace of betel leaf or paan, which is regarded as sacred in Hinduism. It is considered as important as other holy plants like Durva Grass, tulasi, and bilva. Betel leaf, called tambula in Sanskrit, plays a crucial role in Hindu rituals.

Various Purposes

Early European accounts describe betel nut chewing as a widespread custom across Southeast Asia, including those of Antonio Pigafetta during the Magellan Expedition in the Philippines in 1521, in which Pigafetta noted that natives, including those of the Rajahnate of Butuan, chewed areca nuts wrapped in betel leaves and mixed with lime. The betel nut serves a variety of purposes—medicinal, spiritual, social, and even magical. Various island groups in the Philippines promote diverse purposes.

Among the Hanunoo, Kalinga, Maranao, and Bukidnon societies, exchanging betel materials symbolizes courtship or reconciliation. While this may seem unappealing—since women share chewed betel with men—the latter accept it without repugnance. Extending this tradition to marriage, the Suban-on epic Ag Tobig nog Kaboklogan reinforces the role of women in preparing and adding lime to the betel. The motif of liming betel as a wifely duty suggests that a woman is expected to prepare the betel for her husband. Therefore, a man whose betel is unlimed implies that he is unmarried.

For the T’boli, betel nut is used in occassions to communicate with spirits for protection and healing, echoed in the Mansaka tribe’s healing ritual (balilig), where appeasing angry spirits would require the chief babaylan to mark the sick person’s forehead with a cross using a betel nut tree branch dipped in pig’s blood. On a more deific level, the Bagobo myth reveals how after the gods spat the chewed betel onto Lumabat’s stomach, the latter transformed into a god who no longer feels hunger.

At the heart of betel nut chewing lies the communal intent of socializing, which fosters a quintessential Filipino virtue—hospitality. This is lightheartedly depicted in the Ivatan folksong. Deeply embedded in the nation’s value system, it is further explored in Pangasinan’s The Impanbilay men Princesa Estela (The Life of Princess Estela), which describes a princess exiled due to a prophecy that she will murder her father, the king. This axiomatic framing takes on localized form with the introduction of gagalen (betel chew), offered by an old woman—who cares for the princess in the forest—as a gesture of hospitality to the king and queen. This unhackneyed creative amplification shows the epicality of fate, as seen in Oedipus Rex, where Oedipus, too, is foretold to kill his father and in Homer’s The Iliad, where Paris’ destiny is to destroy not only his father but also the entire kingdom of Troy. Originating in the Western world, these narratives were introduced to the Philippines during both Spanish and American regimes. Pangasinan’s awit and korido traditions, adaptations of Spanish influences, further exemplify this blending. The awit, derived from the Spanish word a cantar (to sing), is a Filipino epic or ballad, typically written in verse and sung to a melody, often telling long stories of heroism, romance, or supernatural events. The korido, a shorter metrical romance, usually delves into themes of love, adventure, and chivalry.

Betel-chew juice is also believed to ward off aswang, a mythical creature in Filipino folklore that preys on humans. The aswang particularly targets pregnant women and children—a stereotype that transcends the mere mythical essence of the term, becoming a more metaphysical embodiment of women exceptionalizing ‘herstory’ in a postcolonial society (Magan & Gul, 2024:65).

Furthermore, several indigenous groups, including the T’boli, Yakan, Mandaya, and Tiruray, associate stained teeth from betel chewing with beauty—an atypical assertion of what is deemed acceptable, as opposed to the capitalistic mantras promoted by multinational cosmetic brands. Apart from bodily aesthetics, betel leaves and nuts have other uses, such as natural insect repellents, dyeing fabrics, and animal feed in rural areas.

Colonial Intervention

The decline of betel nut chewing in the Philippines is largely due to colonial and modern influences. Tobacco was introduced during the early years of Spanish colonization, around the late 16th century, and the Spanish quickly established a tobacco monopoly. This led to the widespread cultivation of tobacco, particularly in regions like Cagayan Valley. In the 18th century, coffee cultivation followed in areas such as Batangas and Cavite. These newly introduced European customs came to be associated with sophistication and civilization. Coffee, in particular, became an important cash crop, with the friars encouraging its cultivation for both local production and export.

While coffee was once a subject of debate among some religious authorities due to concerns about its effects, tea has a longer history of being accepted and integrated into many Muslim cultures. It should be noted that before Philippine Hispanization came Islamization. Thus, betel nut chewing already faced competition—not only from the Spaniards, who favored coffee, but also from Mohammedan settlers, whose influence was particularly strong in the southern regions like Mindanao. These settlers have traditionally favored tea over coffee, partly because tea has long been part of broader Islamic culture, especially in the Middle East and Southeast Asia. For Muslims, tea is often seen as a more suitable beverage for socializing, serving guests, and daily consumption. Additionally, tea, being a natural product, is generally considered halal (permitted) in Islam.

In addition to coffee and tea, the Spanish, with a long-established tradition of cocoa consumption from their colonial ventures in the Americas, also introduced chocolate drinking. Through the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565–1815), cacao seeds were first transported across the Pacific. Cocoa was cultivated in regions such as Bicol, where the climate was favorable, and the Spanish encouraged its production as part of the broader colonial economy. Cocoa drinking became prominent, particularly among Spanish settlers and the elite, with chocolate prepared from ground cocoa beans, sugar, and spices like cinnamon. To this day, Filipinos continue to show a fondness for chocolate, locally known as sikwate.

Over time, drinking coffee, tea, and cocoa became the norm, while betel nut chewing, once a symbol of Filipino identity, began to decline—so much so that it became stigmatized due to its association with public spitting, linked to the belief that spitting could prevent attacks by evil forces like the aswang, which contributed to perceptions of poor hygiene. This cultural shift, catalyzed by colonial priorities, reflects a broader trend of cultural assimilation and Westernization. Under American rule in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the practice continued to fade as Western ideals and modern habits (such as chewing gum or smoking cigarettes) replaced indigenous customs.

Global Consumerism

The Philippines, a country historically located at the crossroads of the Pacific, has long felt the confluence of cultures. The fusion of Eastern and Western traditions has shaped Filipino identity, but the increasing dominance of globalized consumer culture marks a departure from the rich indigenous practices that once defined the nation. Global consumer culture, represented by popular brands like Starbucks, points to how modern habits—such as the widespread consumption of coffee, tea, and chocolate—have supplanted traditional communal rituals. This shift is further fueled by the rise of ‘Instagrammable’ spaces, designed to be aesthetically pleasing and easily shareable on social media. Founded in 1971 in Seattle, Washington, Starbucks—driven by its mission to serve coffee and other beverages worldwide—has expanded to over 80 countries, including the Philippines, which now boasts more than 400 stores. Starbucks Philippines aims to open up to 45 new stores annually, making it one of the fastest-growing markets in Southeast Asia, alongside Indonesia and Thailand.

Consider the stark contrast between the unhygienic act of spitting, often associated with betel nut chewing, and the sleek performativity of drinking tea, coffee, or chocolate in spaces evocative of Western aestheticism, shaped by the economy of gentrification (that has gradually transformed aquapelagos). Today, betel nut chewing is largely confined to rural areas and indigenous groups, such as the lumad (native) of Mindanao and the Cordillerans of Luzon, as reflected in the latter’s Ullalim traditions. While the practice remains in these areas, with narratives continuing to thrive in unique ways, they also carry a downside in terms of health—an issue that is by no means abactinal in the plane of representation. Long-term betel nut use can lead to various health issues, including oral cancer, gum disease, and other mouth-related problems. This is true in many cultures where betel nut intake is common, including among the Ifugaos of the Cordillera.

As betel nut chewing fades from daily life, it reveals the imbricative quality of colonialism, globalization, and the gradual loss of indigeneity. Its changing social acceptance can be seen as a form of metaplasticity, as previously mentioned where the practice itself adapts and reshapes in response to evolving cultural values, health concerns, and external societal pressures. The challenge for contemporary Filipinos lies in balancing respect for their rich cultural history with the realities of globalization, which requires understanding the portmanteau of food and identity. The aquapelago survives with its traditions, cultures, and inclinations, resuscitating the decolonial project—where Filipinos, while linking to the ever-encroaching Western ideals, simultaneously distance themselves from the same forces that alienate them from their own ‘becoming.’ Gastromythologizing this age-old tradition in the Philippines will pertinaciously carry betel nut chewing into the next era, as these stories are living entities that continue to nourish the country’s undeniable liminality as an aquapelago.

References

Chatterjee, A. K. (2022). The gastromythology of English tea culture: On the UKTC’s advertisements and making tea a “fact” of English life. Canadian Journal of History, 57(1), 47-80.

Chatterjee, A. K. (2023). The “decline” of London’s curry houses invented tradition, authenticity, gastromythology. Consumption Markets & Culture, 26(6), 443-465.

Chatterjee, A. K. (2024). Mythologizing late Victorian tea advertising: the case of the Illustrated London News (1890–1900). History of Retailing and Consumption, 10(1), 43-82.

Hayward, P. (2012). Aquapelagos and aquapelagic assemblages. Shima 6(1), 1-10.

Magan, R. G. (2025). Perception and Visibility of the State: The Ramayan of the Maranao: Rethinking Aquapelagos in the Philippines’ Sulu Sea. Shima, (Advanced Publication), 1-24.

Magan, R.G. & Gül, O. (2024). Medieval European Witchcraft and the Perception of Women in Select Philippine Short Stories. Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature, 18(1), 65–84.

Rooney, D. (1993). Betel chewing traditions in South-East Asia. Kuala Lumpur ; New York : Oxford University Press.